Amadeo Bordiga Party and Class. First Published: “Partito e classe”, Rassegna Comunista, no 2, April 15, ; Source. A article by Amadeo Bordiga on the role which Germany played in the two world wars and which the author expected it to play in a future communist. Amadeo Bordiga was an Italian Marxist, a contributor to Communist theory, the founder of the Communist Party of Italy, a leader of the Communist Internat.
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But our present purpose is not to draw out a complete critical analysis of the syndicalist doctrines. This was the only way to rebuild a new International movement safe from the risk bprdiga repeating the horrendous catastrophe of Augustand that could be cured once and for all from the infectious disease of social-democratic and minimalist opportunism.
Amadeo Bordiga Archive
Liberal-democratic forms of the western type, set up during the first phase of the revolutions are brushed aside and the proletarian dictatorship faces the immense task of accelerating economic development. Therefore the concept of class must not suggest to us a static image, but instead a dynamic one. At the Congress of the Communist Party held in Lyon inyou were outvoted and the leadership of the Party passed on to Gramsci.
In China for instance where the four class block is in power, the proletariat, far from having assumed political power, is subjected to the incessant pressure of the young industrial capitalism, having born the cost of “National Reconstruction” just like the proletariats of the other countries. In spite of such recurrences, the capitalist mode of production expands and prevails in all countries, under its technical and social aspects, in a more or less continuous way. These made the ground shake under the feet of the bourgeois, but did not by themselves create in the proletariat the capacity to plan objectively for armed struggle and the advent of their dictatorship.
What were the consequences of your refusal within the Communist Party of Italy? Why did you also flatly refuse the role of vice-president of the International which had been offered to you by initiative of the Soviet delegation? This transformation of the economy and consequently of the whole social life will lead to the gradual elimination of the necessity for the political State which will progressively become an apparatus for the rational administration of human activities.
Retrieved August 1, The line of the communist party is by its nature an offensive one and in no case may it struggle for the illusory preservation of conditions peculiar to capitalism. The reply to the second was, since In Italy, they even partake in monarchist cabinets, postponing the question of the Republic to more “suitable” times.
Can we possibly recognise it by the means of a purely objective external acknowledgement of the common economic and social conditions of a great number of individuals, and of their analogous positions in relationship to the productive process? The debate on the issue of parliamentarism was opened by Bukharin, who explained the beginnings of his thesis, while I spoke in opposition to taking part in elections.
At this time, we worked together to implement the directives and the actions decided upon in the first congresses of the Communist International.
Against anti-fascism: Amadeo Bordiga’s last interview | Overland literary journal
The development of capitalism from its origin up to now has confirmed and confirms the Marxist theorems laid out in the fundamental texts of the proletarian party. These ties would return not in larval but rather pathological form, as an alliance that our followers and militant themselves could not have understood. Following his release, Bordiga did not resume his activities in the PCI and was in fact expelled in Marchaccused of having “supported, defended and endorsed the positions of the Trotskyist opposition” and been organisationally borriga.
On the theoretical level, Bordiga amado an understanding of the Soviet Union as a capitalist society. Views Read Edit View history. Much more, all theoretical and historical positions of communism were falsified when it was declared that the war between the western powers and Germany was not an imperialistic one but a crusade for liberty and democracy and that it had been so from the start, from on, when the pseudo-communist propaganda was entirely directed against the French and English.
The majority of the Second International therefore falls into the war opportunism from which very few parties, one of which is the Italian socialist party, escape. Adds a dialectic I could never have imagined existed.
Clearly, it was a double and incompatible historical vision: The Fascist movement was certainly not oriented against one of these two poles, but aimed to block the offensive of the revolutionary proletariat, fighting for the conservation of all social forms of the private economy. It shall take an interest in the effective strength of the proletarian class in relationship to its oppressor in order to get ready for the revolutionary civil war.
Amadeo Bordiga 13 June — 23 July was an Italian Marxista contributor to communist theory, the founder of the Communist Party of Italya leader of the Communist International and later a leading figure of the International Communist Party.
We steadfastly maintained that the real enemy and foremost danger was not Fascism, much less Mussolini the man, but rather the anti-fascism that Fascism — with all of its crimes and infamies — would have created.
Quite on the contrary, it is only on a historical basis that questions of class and party strategy and tactics can be solved. Therefore, that remedy which was wrong theoretically also proved inefficient in actuality. The same work, demolition of opportunism and deviationism as accomplished amade Lenin and defined in “What is to be done” is still at the basis of our party activity thus following borriga example of militants of past periods of setback of the proletarian movement and of reinforcement of opportunist theories, that found in Marx, Engels, Lenin and in the Italian Left, violent and inflexible enemies.
The only historical alternative to be set against such a situation is the awakening of the internal amaceo struggle, until the civil war of the working masses to overthrow the power of all bourgeois states and of world coalitions, with the reconstitution of the International Communist Party as an autonomous force, independent of any organised political or military power. In fact, it was the government, at grips with the hard reality of internal and external affairs, which solved questions, and imposed its solutions on the Party.
He thought that it was possible to form alliances with any of the adversaries and critics of Mussolini in preparation for a future Italian regime, a theory that I notoriously abhorred — as I do to this day.
In the early years of the Communist Party, there was a significant degree of political convergence between you and Gramsci.
However, Bordiga’s hostility toward democracy was unrelated to the Stalinist narrative of the single-party state. The main reason for this choice is that the latter would have required a supreme hierarchical body, to which the parties would have owed their allegiance. Following the October RevolutionBordiga rallied to the communist movement and formed the communist abstentionist faction within the PSI, abstentionist in that it opposed participation in bourgeois elections, the group would form, with the addition of the former L’Ordine Nuovo grouping in Turin around Antonio Gramscithe backbone of the Communist Party of Italy PCd’I, Partito Comunista d’Italia —founded at Livorno in January At this time, the tactical question of alliance between advanced bourgeois parties and the akadeo party takes on a different aspect to that of the preceding phase; it wmadeo no longer a question of helping capitalism to win, but to make socialism derive from it with the help of laws and reform, no longer to fight on the barricades of the towns and in the country against menaces of restoration; but only to vote together in parliamentary assemblies.
The argument that, before the split, the proletarian front — which we always refused to consider a strategic weapon — would have had a broader base, had been demagogically advanced by all pro-unity types, including Serrati.
In the same way, the irrevocable victory of capitalism over those forms which have preceded it historically, that is the victory of the bourgeoisie over the feudal and land-owning aristocracy and over the other classes characteristic of the old regime, be it Asiatic or European or of other continents, is a condition for communism.
It was immediately decided that I should be admitted as a co-rapporteur on the question of parliamentarism, which was included in the agenda with Bukharin as the lead rapporteur. In the only amade revolutionary conception, the direction of class action is delegated to the party. The party admits that in certain sectors its activity is quantitatively reduced, but it intends as far as possible to fulfil all its different tasks, and it does not renounce to any of them. The international current to which we belong cannot be characterised by its abstaining from voting, although the “abstentionist fraction” of the Italian socialist party played a preponderant part in ajadeo foundation of the Italian section of the IIIrd International, whose struggle and opposition to the Communist International on much more fundamental issues we vindicate.
Otherwise the internationalist character of the movement and its revolutionary efficiency amaedo not but be compromised. Want to Boridga saving….
When you subscribe to a class movement or to the theory of it magnificently developed by Karl Marx, the classes that clash against one another nowadays, the capitalist bourgeoisie and the salaried proletariat should not be reduced or represented — in order to reproduce amadei dynamics and antagonism — as concrete categories, but rather as abstract concepts, referring to experimental social facts.
What follows is, as far as I know, the first translation into English of the lengthy written interview that Amadeo Bordiga gave ammadeo journalist Edek Osser inshortly before his death.